יום ראשון, 18 בפברואר 2018

[nashimbyarok-WIG] The founding fathers & mothers דור המייסדים

 

English follows Hebrew

מדור המייסדים

 

לרגל שנת החמישים לשחרור ירושלים, יהודה, שומרון, הגולן וסיני העלון "יש"ע שלנו" ממועצת יש"ע מביא כל שבוע את סיפורם של מייסדי ההתיישבות.

בשבועיים האחרונים התפרסם, ב2 חלקים,  סיפורה של יהודית שלנו.

 

 

סיפורה של יהודית קצובר

 

חלק א'

 

מתחילים מההתחלה

 

נולדתי באייר תש"ז בטרנסילבניה (היום בריבונות רומניה, פעם הונגריה), להורים חסידי סאטמר, אבל ציוניים, אשר היו שייכים לפועלי אגודת ישראל.

 

הוריי נישאו לאחר השואה, בהתחלה לא מתוך אהבה, אלא כדי לבנות את עם ישראל מחדש.

 

שלושה ילדים הביאו לעולם, משפחה גדולה במושגים של אירופה אחר המלחמה. בהיותי בת 12 עלינו לארץ ישראל.

 

גדלתי ולמדתי בכפר אליהו שעל יד גדרה. ב-1966, עם תעודת הוראה ביד, ירדתי לדרום, לדימונה, שם הכרתי את בעלי צבי, נישאנו, ושנינו שקענו בהוראה ובעשייה.

 

את מלחמת ששת הימים "עשינו" במקלטים של ביה"ס שבו שהו כל התלמידים עם הוריהם. שחרור ירושלים הרעיד את הלבבות וזקף את קומתנו.

 

להמשך קריאה: http://myesha.org.il/?CategoryID=379&ArticleID=7844

 

 

 

חלק ב'

 

שדמה

 

בעוד אנו פועלות בנצר, מתקשר אלינו חגי הוברמן בשנת 2008 ואומר לנו "תעלו לשדמה לפני שהרשות הפלשתינית תשתלט על המחנה".

 

שדמה, מחנה צבאי שצה"ל נטש, במקום אסטרטגי בין הר חומה לתקוע, שולט על הכביש המזרחי החדש, גבעה בשטח Cהמוקפת בשטחי A ו-B והייתה סכנה שנאבד את המקום.

 

השתלטות של הערבים על אותה גבעה חלילה הייתה יכולה לגרום לניתוק הרצף היהודי בין ירושלים לגוש עציון מזרח.

 

הערבים טוענים ב"הומניות", שברצונם להקים שם בית חולים.

 

עלינו לשם. הערבים כבר הספיקו להרוס הכל, לעקור כל מה שהיה במחנה, רק שלושה מבנים נותרו.

 

החלטנו לפעול בהתמדה כדי להציל את המקום מהשתלטות לא חוקית של הערבים

 

להמשך קריאה:

 

http://myesha.org.il/?CategoryID=379&ArticleID=7854

 

 

 

 

 

2018

בס"ד

The Founding fathers and mothers of the settlement movement

On the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the liberation of Jerusalem, Judea, Samaria, Golan Heights and the Sinai, the weekly Yesha Shelanu  newsletter publishes interviews with the founders of the settlement movement; the pioneers who, immediately after the Six Day war, renewed Jewish life in Israel's Biblical Heartland. These past two weeks they published the story of our very own Yehudit Katsover.

For the original Hebrew text

Part 1: http://www.myesha.org.il/?CategoryID=379&ArticleID=7844

Part 2: http://www.myesha.org.il/?CategoryID=379&ArticleID=7854

 Translated into English by Sally Zahav

 

The story of Yehudit Katsover

Yehudit Katsover, resident of Kiryat Arba-Hevron, is married to Zvi Katsover,  mother of 5 children and grandmother of grandchildren.

She is co-chair of the Women in Green movement and is the founder of the Sovereignty Movement together with Nadia Matar. Yehudit and Nadia have been leading in recent years the practical discourse for Israeli sovereignty over Judea, Samaria and the Jordan Valley.

1.      A Bit of Background

"I was born in April 1947 in Transylvania (once Hungarian, but now under Romanian sovereignty) it was something like living in "the territories". My parents were Satmar Hasidim, but also Zionists, who belonged to Poalei Agudat Israel. There was an abiding longing for the Land of Israel in their home. They were steadfastly and expectantly waiting for the approval of the authorities to immigrate to the Land of Israel. My mother is a survivor of Auschwitz and my father studied at Rebbe Yoel Teitelbaum's Satmar yeshiva.

My parents married after the Holocaust. It was not for love, at first, but in order to rebuild the Jewish People. They brought three children into the world. In post-war Europe, this was a large family. We made aliya to the Land of Israel when I was 12 years old, arriving in the month of Nissan. The first thing that made a great impression on me in Haifa was the light. It was a clear, bright, pure light, which exists nowhere else in the world. We were sent to Dimona by the Jewish Agency – but my parents, with their 70 kilos of belongings - settled down in B'nei B'rak, for religious reasons. (I would eventually go to Dimona later).

I grew up and went to school in Kfar Eliahu, near Gedera. In 1966, with a teacher's certificate in hand, I went south to Dimona, where I met my husband Tzvi. We married and were both deeply engaged in education and other activities. We passed the Six Day War in school shelters with all of the children and their parents.  The liberation of Jerusalem moved us to the core, caused us to be so proud; the song, Jerusalem of Gold, echoed everywhere, was heard from every building. 

2.      The Move to Kiryat Arba-Hevron

Benny, Zvi's brother, married in Hevron. He and his wife Bina were living in the Administration Building, where we used to visit them. One of these times, during a tour of the area, Benny told Zvi, "This is where Kiryat Arba will be". And Zvi, without consulting me, gave him a promise: "if there is going to be a city here, we are coming".

Kiryat Arba was established in August 1971, and anyone who knows Zvi knows that he keeps his promises. I fought the decision vigorously. It was good for us in Dimona. What more did we need besides our social and educational activity and community in the Negev? But Zvi claimed, and rightly so, that "many people will come to Dimona. Fewer will come to Hevron. The challenge now is to settle the liberated areas". It was not easy. Looking back years later, I was fortunate that Zvi won this argument.

We arrived in Kiryat Arba on the first day it was possible to move in. It was Rosh Hashanah eve, 1971. There was no doctor, no telephones, no sidewalks, in the winter there was mud all over, there was no transportation. Luckily, Rav Levinger, ztz"l, who was the head of the residents' committee, tried to help me cope during this difficult period. I began to work as a cultural coordinator together with him. The rabbi's personal example, his ethical behavior, his family's frugality, Rav Levinger's total dedication, the many discussions and endless arguments, finally broke through the wall of alienation. I began to participate in the noble struggles to develop Kiryat Arba, to expand the hours for Jews to be allowed to pray  in the Cave of the Patriarchs; entering Beit Hadassah and staying there for months, together with 13 other women and our children, under the leadership of Rabbanit Miriam Levinger, all that was the perfect melting pot.

I learned much from the Rav, and in everything I do I try to act in accordance with three principles that he taught us: initiate – determine facts on the ground; carry out public relations activities in favor of the action; lobby in Knesset and bolster the government.

3.      The Beit Hadassah Story Could Provide Material for a Hollywood Film.

Info: The historic Bet Hadassa complex in Hebron was built in 1893 with funds from Jewish communities around the world. Later the Hadassah Organization turned it into a medical clinic which granted free medical care to both Jewish and Arab residents. In 1929 the hospital was the site of some of the worst rioting by Arabs who murdered 67 Jewish residents of Hebron. The clinic was looted and burnt. The liberation of Hebron in 1967 enabled the Jews to return the Jewish presence to Bet Hadassa.

Construction in Kiryat Arba was frozen. Nothing new was being built. People gathered for a meeting at Rav Levinger's house. How can we break though the building freeze?

The idea of entering the Beit Hadassah building in Hebron came from artist Baruch Nahshon, whose wife Sarah and their ten children were among those who participated. Zambish (Ze'ev Hever) and Dompa (Aharon Domb) were responsible for the planning and logistics of the operation to enter Beit Hadassah. Late one night, in 1979, 13 mothers and 45 children with minimal equipment got into a truck. The idea was that Prime Minister Begin, Polish gentleman as he was, would not evict the women and children who had entered without the husbands. We entered the bet Hadassa building on Thursday, before dawn. If we could manage to remain Thursday, Friday and Shabbat, we hoped that this would constitute a "chazaka". We arrived by truck to the back of Beit Hadassah. A ladder was raised. We climbed the ladder one by one. We passed the fence and found ourselves in the courtyard of Beit Hadassah. In front of Beit Hadassah there always were Israeli soldiers on guard duty because of a previous attempt to enter. We had to keep totally silent so that we would not draw the soldiers' attention. One of the open miracles was that no child uttered even a peep and none cried during this time.

We entered the lower floor or the building. It was totally dark. Our footsteps raised clouds of dust that had lain undisturbed over the years. We settled down for a short nap.  The morning sun was rising and the soldiers were surprised by the women and children in the building. We began to survey the building and try to organize a daily routine.

The Division Commander – Fuad Ben Eliezer – came and decided that no one else could enter Beit Hadassah, and a list of names was made. Whoever was already there could stay. But if someone left they could not return. We received supplies from Kiryat Arba. They brought essential supplies and passed them through the windows. They brought water in jerry cans, set up 2 chemical toilets, we bathed sparingly, a cup of water was enough for a decent bath; we started a school on site, the wonderful women of Kiryat Arba who visited, took laundry and returned clean clothes and diapers. Everything was passed through the windows, for we could not go out and they could not enter the building.

On the first Shabbat eve it was a bit sad, but this feeling quickly dissipated. When prayers to welcome the Shabbat were over at the Cave of the Patriarchs, the entire community came to Beit Hadassah and broke out in powerful song that echoed into the distance. Even today, when I remember this event, I am overcome with emotion and my entire body trembles. This singing on Erev Shabbat, while we were inside and they were outside, continued for the entire period of close to a full year  of our stay in Beit Hadassah.

Rav Levinger's activism resulted in many visits by politicians; journalists came to see what was happening. There were difficulties, the severe hygienic conditions left their mark. There was a constant battle with lice, and then with hepatitis. Shoshana Peretz' pregnancy was progressing and there were concerns that if she left to give birth they would not allow her to return. Our friends on the outside saw an item on our daily supermarket list, a request to bring a "havilat leida" (childbirth kit). By mistake, they read "havilat glida" (a package of ice cream) and indeed, brought us some delicious ice cream. Ultimately, Shoshana did leave to give birth and afterward was allowed to return with her newborn baby girl, so a new name, Hadassah, (of course) was added to the list of the commune's residents.

On Shabbat eve, the 16th of Iyar, May 2nd, 1980, Arab terrorists ambushed the worshipers leaving the Cave of the Patriarchs. Six yeshiva students were killed and sixteen were wounded – and this was the impetus for the Jewish return to permanent residency in the Old City of Hevron .

A step forward in Hevron and a step backward in Yamit. From Bet Hadassah I went straight to Yamit. I lived in the Iksim neighborhood in Yamit with other families that had come from Kiryat Arba. The struggle in Yamit was like this:

On one hand we had faith that there would be no expulsion. But we hunkered down anyway.

The expulsion from Yamit was difficult physically, but especially emotionally. We returned home to Kiryat Arba broken and exhausted. It was difficult to talk to people who had not been expelled. Only people who had been expelled understood each other. Routine life seemed strange. How was it possible to continue after this terrible rift? Those who came from Yamit felt like Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai when he emerged from the cave. Something had broken deep within the nationalist camp, our innocent faith that there was a straight line to the redemption.

4- Deputy Council Head and the Struggles to develop Kiryat Arba-Hevron

We are consoled by taking action and keeping active. Thank G-d as deputy council head of Kiryat Arba we expanded  the Avraham Avinu neighborhood, and Beit Romano.

Later the Ulpana was established under the urging of Rabbi Rafi Kuperstock and they began planning a yeshiva high school, which was established when my husband Zvi was appointed as council head. I tried to be a help to him, mainly in the battles over security as a member of the Action Committee.

One of the most significant roles that I have had the privilege of fulfilling was to lead the absorption of Russian immigrants in 1990. As a teacher in the Ulpan, I experienced daily the realization of the vision of the revival of the "dry bones".

After some years, together with Rav Moshe Bleicher shlit"a and Zvi as council head, we established the (women's) College for Teachers, a branch of Efrata College. We began with 17 students, but by the time I ended my term as principal of the college after 20 years, there were 200 students, filled with a spirit of mission and dedication to the next generation.

The Expulsion from Gush Katif and Following the Expulsion

During the Expulsion from Gush Katif we were in Gadid, where I met Nadia Matar, of Women in Green, who was with her family in Kfar-Yam. The naiveté of Yamit transformed into a resolute decision – no more evictions and expulsions! Immediately following the expulsion we worked together with Rav Levinger, zt"l, until the expulsion from Beit HaShalom.

After Beit HaShalom Nadia and I focused on activism to keep the land holdings in the area of Gush Etzion from being taken over by Arabs.

Netzer

The first activity was to open the Za'tara bypass road. Next, we began activities in the Netzer hills, between Elazar and Alon Shvut.  We noticed that the Arabs, supported amply with funds from anti-Israel organizations from Europe and the U.S., were illegally planting in the state lands of Area C, with the obvious objective of taking over the area.

Together with dozens of Women in Green members and residents of Gush Etzion, we began to plant trees according to the map, on land that was not considered to be privately owned by Arabs. The Arabs uprooted the trees that we planted. We planted again and again. The Civil Administration "did not like" (to say the least) our work. We sent a signed letter to Shaul Goldstein, council head at that time, saying that we had no claims on the land, on the trees, or on the fruit of the trees that we had planted. Everything was for the good of the country, with the goal of preventing illegal Arab takeover of these lands.

We succeeded to plant many acres of land. After years of Sisyphean activity in the field, we were successful. The land was declared to be state land and is now under the jurisdiction of the council.

Shdema

While we were still active in Netzer, Hagai Huberman telephoned us in 2008, saying "Go up to Shdema before the Palestinian Authority takes over the camp". Shdema, an abandoned IDF military camp, located strategically between Har Homa in Southern Jerusalem and Tekoa in Gush Etzion and controlling the new eastward road, is located on a hill in Area C that is surrounded by Areas A and B. There was a danger that we might lose the site. If the Arabs took over that hill, G-d forbid, it would mean that the Jewish territorial contiguity between Jerusalem and Gush Etzion would be cut off from the east.  The Arabs were claiming that they wanted to establish a hospital there. They used the "humane" argument even though they could set up hospitals anywhere they want in areas A and B. Clearly their intention was not the hospital but rather the take-over of this strategic hill in area C.

We went up – the Arabs had already ruined and looted everything, destroyed all that was at the camp, so that only 3 buildings remained. We decided that there would be continuous activity there, in order to save the site from illegal Arab takeover. We established the Committee for a Jewish Shdema" with Women in Green members and activists from East Gush Etzion and Har Homa. Simultaneously, we established the Lobby for a Jewish Shdema in the Knesset. After a struggle of several years, in which we came every week to Shdema with dozens and sometimes hundreds of activists, supported by the participation of the Gush Etzion Council under Shaul Goldstein, we succeeded to restore a Jewish presence to the site. The IDF returned and turned the site into a military camp once again.

We used this same pattern of action with the Adorayim Camp in South Hevron Hills, where the council, led by Tzviki Bar-Hai, then established an emergency center. Also in the battle for Givat Ha'Eitam near Efrat, which constitutes the land reserves for the city's development, after two years of intensive activity, the council, led by Oded Ravivi, took over the project and established a farm at the site.

We saw that each battle for every hill took us years and a tremendous amount of resources but did not solve the underlying problem for the Land of Israel. We, the Jews living in Judea and Samaria, in the eyes of the authorities, are considered the invaders, in their eyes we are here temporarily. And while it is true that we have managed to redeem a few hills, at the same time, the Arabs, funded by millions of dollars from abroad, are taking over  hundreds of other hills, and at this rate we will lose all the state lands and Jewish communities will become isolated islands within a sea of Arabs, Heaven forbid. And the worst part is that the Land of Israel is always on the bargaining table. We understood that we had to take care of the problem at its root.

Setting out on a Campaign for the Application of Sovereignty –Conferences, a Journal, Parlor meetings, Vigils

We decided to demand the application of Israeli sovereignty over Judea and Samaria. So that the Israeli Knesset and government would declare once and for all that this Land is ours, to cut off the Arab hopes for a state in the heart of our Land, that it should resolve this matter as it did with Jerusalem and the Golan Heights. Uri Elitzur, z"l, MK Geula Cohen, Caroline Glick, Rav Beni Elon, z"l and Dr. Martin Sherman all expressed this idea before we did, speaking and writing on the subject. We turned it into a full fledge campaign,  that would constantly focus on the subject of sovereignty and we have been, and still are,  acting continuously to instill awareness of the subject.

The first Forum for Sovereignty met in Geula Cohen's home back in 2011, with the participation of Caroline Glick, Dr. Moti Kedar, Eran Bar Tal, Rabbanit Melamed, Rav Itai Elitzur, Shimon Cohen and Yoram Ettinger. Today there is an expanded committee for Sovereignty – its members include Sam Solomon, Avraham Shvut, Shosh Shilo, Renee Margolis, Ruthi Lieberman, Lior Shurka, Uri Bank, Ruthi Ben Haim, Tanah Lehavi, Dr. Aviah Shoham, Col. (Res.) Moshe Peled and Yoav Tuvia.

In 2011, we started out with the first Sovereignty Conference in Hevron. Approximately 250 people participated and there were courageous speakers, among whom were MK Tzipi Hotovely, who is still actively involved in promoting the application of Israeli sovereignty. We were all perceived as totally delusional. Even in our own camp.

After a year had passed, we organized the second conference in Hevron, but during the year we held parlor gatherings and many personal discussions with public figures – the hall overflowed with people so we set up a screen outside of the hall and a year afterward we organized a third conference, this time in Jerusalem. We had planned to hold the conference in the Bible Museum – a place that is symbolic and very fitting for the topic of Sovereignty. But even during the first stages of registration we understood that we would not be able to hold all of those who registered. So we changed the location to a hall in Bayit veGan that held about 800 people. At the time of the conference, attended by ministers, MKs, academicians and public figures, about 1000 people crowded into the hall and outside were another few hundred who were unable to enter. This is when we began to draw the attention of the media.

Nadia and I felt that we were not reaching enough people so we decided to publish a journal, which is distributed in 200,000 (two hundred thousand) copies in Hebrew and English. We also set up a Sovereignty Internet site in Hebrew and in English www.ribonut.co.il

The strategy was that we would begin to raise awareness among the people in our own communities, and then expand the activity among the nationalist camp all over the country. The concrete barriers on Route 60 served us as bulletin boards. Sometimes we paid a fine but it "did the job".

We did not (nor do we now) have money for large and extended campaigns because on the Right, people make contributions for buildings, institutions, ambulances  or Torah scrolls, which are all important causes, but to raise money for public advocacy is much more difficult. To many donors, donating to campaigns to change the public consciousness seems as if he is giving money for no purpose because he cannot see the result right away. But thank G-d some donors believed in this campaign and enabled us to act. This is certainly a good occasion to thank them.

Few believed that it would be possible to advance the cause of sovereignty. We continued with conferences (the fourth one was in February 2017, when more than 1200 people came and Arabs from Judea and Samaria who wanted Israeli sovereignty also participated), parlor gatherings, publishing a journal, we spent hours in the Knesset, speaking with council heads and in vigils at the prime minister's residence. We also started planning a master plan for Greater Israel after we found out that in its 70 years of independence, and fifty years since the liberation of Judea and Samaria, the State of Israel has not produced any strategic master plan for the Greater Land of Israel west of the Jordan.

The council heads in Judea and Samaria joined the efforts, the YESHA (Judea , Samaria and Gaza) Council, Amana, Orit Struk and our friends from the Likud Shevach Stern, Natan Englesman and Shai Merling have done, and are still doing, outstanding work.  Among other things, they organized the assembly of the Likud Central Committee where 1500 members of the committee voted unanimously in favor of sovereignty in the areas of Jewish settlement in Judea and Samaria.

The Land of Israel Lobby under the leadership of MK Yoav Kish and MK Bezalel Smotrich promoted the application of Israeli law in Ma'ale Adumim and just recently proposed a law consistent with the decision of Likud Central.

Members of Knesset Yoav Kish, Bezalel Smotrich, Miki Zohar and Yehuda Glick have prepared detailed plans for the application of sovereignty. The great majority of ministers and Likud members support the application of sovereignty and members of HaBayit HaYehudi all support the application of sovereignty. Minister Bennett has contributed considerably to the promotion of sovereignty with the Israel Stability Initiative in April 2012.

Following the Six Day War, what began in the Left weakly, with the publication of journal "A Conversation among Warriors", gained strength after the Yom Kippur War with the establishment of the Peace Now movement, under Uri Avneri, who began a "peace attack" in the media, academia and the justice system. Within 20 years they had won quite a bit of success influencing the discourse, the effect of which was felt even in the prime minister's Bar Ilan speech. One of the open miracles was that despite the intensive brainwashing, the people moved to the right. The people understand that the concessions promoted by the Left weakened us against the enemy by giving him the hope, a hope that resulted in terror. The political system in the Right understands the spirit of the people and responds to it.

The American administration under Trump is sympathetic to Israel. The declaration that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel constitutes a key to the application of sovereignty. The Sovereignty Movement, founded by Women in Green, serves as a platform for all the different groups and individuals who speak and act toward the application of sovereignty. There is still a lot of work ahead. It took the Left 20 years to change the discourse. We, the Sovereignty Movement, continue to work hard on all fronts and we hope that the plan to apply sovereignty will be faster and will be legislated by the Knesset and overcome all obstacles.

Establishing Oz veGaon

As we were engaged in the Sovereignty Campaign, the three youths, Gil-Ad, Eyal and Naftali, Hy"d, were abducted in Gush Etzion by Arab terrorists. Eighteen days later, On the 3rd of Tamuz, June 2014, immediately after the bodies of the youths were found, we decided that this event must not be glossed over quietly. We had to provide a Zionist response.

Dozens of Women in Green members together with residents from Gush Etzion, and with support from the Gush Etzion Council headed by Davidi Perl, ascended the hill overlooking the junction and began preparing the place as a significant Jewish holding on the road ascending from Hevron to Jerusalem. This was our immediate Zionist response to the vile murder.

Our activity at the preserve had the full support of the families of Gil-ad Shaer, Eyal Yifrah and Naftali Frenkel and the place was named after the youths – Oz veGaon (Gil-ad Eyal and Naftali).

Since that night when the activists went up to begin the work of preparing the preserve, many groups of youths, young men and women alike, have come to the site from throughout the Land, and even from abroad, to participate in cleaning the place, weeding, paving, painting, installing lighting, installing park equipment and taking part in creative and cultural activities involving Jewish and Zionist values.

The preserve has become a place that IDF soldiers and security people view as a strategic point for the protection of Gush Etzion Junction. Educational and hasbara activities are held at the place, as well as training for groups and individuals on topics of heritage, Judaism, history and Zionism. To date, tens of thousands of youths have taken part in these activities.

The many youths that visit the preserve participate in agricultural workshops, strengthening their bonds to the soil, they study ecology, art and culture along with lessons in self-defense taught by Elyashiv Kimhi and Tsuri Botush.

There are also facilities for Jewish studies at the preserve. On Tuesdays there is a Beit Midrash for women, called Havruta, at Oz veGaon, where dozens of women enjoy lessons in the Prophets and Writings, given by leading rabbis and excellent lecturers, and in the evenings, the Beit Midrash opens its doors to men for lessons led by Rav Mor Bergman.

To commemorate the completion of three years since the establishment of Oz veGaon, the Zionist Avenue was dedicated, where ideological quotes from Zionist leaders from the past 120 years are posted. There is also an interactive seating area where there is information and poems about milestones in Zionist history.

In this same ideological public spirit, the Sovereignty movement founded by Women in Green holds conferences and lectures at the preserve on matters dealing with the application of Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria. Leading shapers of public opinion, MKs, ministers, rabbis and many public figures from Israel and abroad have taken part in these events

I would like to thank my friend Nadia and the Almighty, for the privilege to work together in such wonderful harmony.

I know that the way is long

But I will walk until my strength fails…

(Poem by Yehoram Taharlev)

 

 

[nashimbyarok-WIG] We're on the move פתאום הריבונות הפכה לריאלית

בס"ד

English follows Hebrew

כבר לא מילים גסות: פתאום "החלת הריבונות" הפכה לריאלית

זרעי רעיון הריבונות ביהודה ושומרון שטמנו בודדים חדורי אמונה לפני שנים נבטו, וענפיהם הגיעו עד ראש הממשלה.

הדרך עוד ארוכה, אבל התחלנו לצעוד

מאת שרה העצני-כהן מקור רשאון - ג׳ באדר ה׳תשע״ח (18-02-2018 )

הכול מתחיל כאן. תזכרו את זה תמיד. כל היוזמות, הרעיונות והחידושים מתחילים כאן בארץ הזאת. אחר כך הם מקבלים התייחסות בינלאומית. כך גם הריבונות.

משהו זז כבר הרבה זמן, אבל נדמה שבשבוע שחלף הוא זז עוד כמה סנטימטרים. המילים "החלת ריבונות" הן כבר לא גסות. כולם מדברים על ריבונות, וגם אם לא מסכימים – מדברים ומתייחסים. פתאום ריבונות הפכה להיות אפשרות ריאלית, נושא שמתווכחים עליו, נושא שמזמן כבר לא נתפס הזוי אלא אלטרנטיבה רצינית. הבית היהודי מדבר  על ריבונות, כך גם בכירי הליכוד, מרכז הליכוד, התקשורת, מכוני מחקר יוקרתיים, דיפלומטים זרים, אוניברסיטאות רציניות בחו"ל, והחל מהשבוע שעבר – גם ראש ממשלת ישראל. כמה מים זרמו מאז אותו נאום בר־אילן של נתניהו, נאום שהוא מעולם לא חזר בו ממנו, אולי מסיבות טקטיות ואולי מהותיות; החדשות הטובות הן שראש הממשלה השמרן מאוד בנימין נתניהו הטה גם הוא את הגה הספינה והתחיל לדבר ריבונות. החדשות הפחות טובות הן שאלו בינתיים רק מילים עמומות ושהדרך עוד ארוכה.

ב־1990, כמה שנים לפני שנפל עלינו אוסלו, כתב אורי אליצור ז"ל מאמר מכונן על ריבונות תחת הכותרת "של מי האדמה הזאת, לעזאזל". הוא הקדים את זמנו, אבל הדברים שלו חקוקים היטב, והמילים כאילו נכתבו היום. כבר אז הוא הפציר בנו להתחיל לדבר על ריבונות, לזרוע את הרעיונות. כבר אז הוא התנבא שלמדינה הפלסטינית יש יתרון מבחינת הסבירות להתגשם אך הוא זמני ו"נובע רק מכך שהמיעוט תומך המדינה הפלסטינית נלחם את מלחמתו כבר שנים, ואילו המיעוט התומך בסיפוח עדיין לא התחיל לדבר". בשנים האחרונות המחנה הלאומי מדבר על ריבונות והיום כבר כולם מדברים על ריבונות. לפני כשמונה שנים הקימו שתי נשים נמרצות, נדיה מטר ויהודית קצובר, את 'תנועת הריבונות', דבר שהיה נראה כמעט משיחי. הימים ימי אובמה, ימי הקפאה ורגליים על השולחן, ונדיה ויהודית בשלהן – לא רק טמנו את הזרע בקרקע, גם דאגו להשקות בלי הפסקה.

להמשך קריאה: https://www.makorrishon.co.il/opinion/21083/

 

 

Suddenly the application of Sovereignty became real

The seeds of the idea of Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria that were planted years ago by a few people of steadfast faith have begun to sprout, and this week, their branches reached all the way to the prime minister. There is still a long way to go, but we have begun the journey. We're on the move.

Sara HaEtzni Cohen, Makor Rishon, February 18, 2018

Translated by Sally Zahav from the original Hebrew article

It all starts here. Always remember this. All of the initiatives, ideas and innovations begin here, in this country. They win international recognition afterwards. It is the same with sovereignty. There has been some movement over time, but apparently, this week it moved another few centimeters. The phrase "the application of sovereignty" is no longer considered jarring. Everyone is talking about sovereignty, and even if they do not agree – they are talking about it and considering it. Suddenly, the topic of sovereignty has become a realistic possibility, a subject for debate, and for quite some time has ceased to be considered delusional, but is perceived as a serious alternative.

HaBayit HaYehudi talks about sovereignty, as well as senior figures in Likud, the Likud Central Committee, the media, esteemed research institutions, foreign diplomats, serious universities abroad, and starting this past week – the Prime Minister of Israel as well. So much has transpired since Netanyahu's Bar Ilan speech, which he never recanted, perhaps for tactical reasons or perhaps for reasons of principle: the good news is that the very conservative Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu has also turned the ship's wheel, and has begun speaking about sovereignty. The news that is less encouraging is that for now, it is only vague words and there is a long way ahead.

In 1990, a few years before Oslo befell us, Uri Elitzur, z"l, wrote an article focusing on sovereignty entitled "Who does this land belong to?" He was ahead of his time, but his words are etched well in our minds, and these words could have been written today. Even at that time, he begged for us to begin to discuss sovereignty, to plant the seeds. He foresaw, at that time, that the possibility of establishing a Palestinian state had the advantage from a public relations point of view,  even if temporarily, because the minority that supported a Palestinian state had been fighting for years, while the minority that supported annexation had still not begun to talk about it". In recent years, the nationalist camp has been talking about sovereignty and now everyone is talking about sovereignty. Approximately eight years ago, two dynamic women, Nadia Matar and Yehudit Katsover, founded the Sovereignty Movement, which, at the time, seemed almost like a messianic hope. Those were the days of Obama, the days of the construction freeze and feet on the table – when Nadia and Yehudit, for their part, not only planted the seed in the ground, but took pains to water it constantly.

"The first phase is only hasbara [public relations efforts], and it might last a good many years", Uri Elitzur explained. How right he was. But in the middle there was Oslo, the Disengagement and a painful Intifada, and those "good many years" have grown into almost a 30-year-old boy with a high fever*, in other words, there is no time left. After many years, the State of Israel is beginning to speak about the proprietorship of Judea and Samaria – for security reasons as well as values and affiliation. Listen to the Likud MKs – they are not only talking about security, they are talking about the land of our forefathers.

Now, the question is– what do we mean by sovereignty – over the entire area or just part of it, what rights [the Arab residents will be given] and at what pace; where to begin and how to end. These are legitimate questions stemming from the birth pangs of the idea. Today, there are several proposals being considered: sovereignty over the areas of Jewish settlement in Judea and Samaria; Ma'ale Adumim first; sovereignty over Area C and others. And there are additional, more infrastructural steps being taken in the area. The bill passed by Minister Bennett to include Ariel University in the regular Council for Higher Education instead of the Council for Higher Education for Judea and Samaria; the proposal (which is raised and falls again) to annul the disengagement in northern Samaria; the changes that Minister Shaked made, stating that all new laws must also be relevant to Judea and Samaria, and more. Changes are happening.

There is no Status Quo

In order for the vision of sovereignty to be realized in some form or other, there is another important layer – the layer of infrastructure. Not just "what" but also "how". The movement must come from both above and below, from the leaders as well as from the grass roots, in discourse as well as in practical ways. Words do indeed create reality but eventually, we must think about how we carry out sovereignty in a practical way. When the Oslo architects designed the accords, they not only presented a vision, they established think tanks and planning teams to design the reality for the vision to be realized. A large group of non-governmental elements as well as those within the governmental system were engaged to plan how to implement the vision of two states. How the sewage systems would be, how taxes would be collected, how security coordination would be handled, the Palestinian Authority, the judicial infrastructure, everything. To the very last detail. This is what we need to do too, but we have less time and we are swimming against very strong currents.

We also need to understand that the land is going away. Today's Area C is not yesterday's Area C and certainly not that of 2012 when Naftali Bennett presented his "Stability Initiative", which includes the annexation of Area C. The Palestinian Authority designated it as an objective and is tearing into it with all its strength – all of its arrows are aimed at taking over these lands with agriculture, construction and they are bringing in people to populate it. These projects are funded with millions of dollars, partly by the Palestinian Authority and partly by direct funding by foreign governments. By the way, much of the money is intended to prevent Israel from dealing with this illegal construction by flooding the courts with appeals, thus paralyzing the system.  There is a great deal of foreign money put into these efforts as well, and there are Israeli organizations that excel in this work. In short, there is no time. There is no time for a status quo – there is no such thing as a status quo.

And what will the world say? The disparaging and mocking headlines regarding Netanyahu's troubles following the White House's reaction to what Netanyahu said about sovereignty – "reports of a discussion of sovereignty are false" – are hot air. The important thing is that the seed has been planted. It will not happen in one day, and will certainly not happen if we do not begin speaking about the subject as much as possible. The idea of disengagement – was born here. The idea of giving them rifles as a result of Oslo – began here. The lobby against cutting funding to UNWRA – is supported from here. If Israel does not say that it is hers, and that this is proper and just, what can we expect from the world?

We have a tendency to disparage what we think and to revere what the world thinks. This is a mistake. The world is very interested in what the Israeli public thinks. It wants to know what the mood is, the voting patterns, what the public supports and how it wants life to be. The world will not always smile and not always agree; the international order, in general, is extremely complex and Prime Minister Netanyahu navigates it very wisely. But on the ideological level, it is important for us to understand that it all begins here. I do not minimize "what the world says". We must not take it too lightly, but this must not be the primary determinant and we must certainly not become paralyzed or agonize over it.

This week something happened, something moved. But we must not fall asleep. Netanyahu's declaration is important, but it is only a declaration, and the implementation on the ground will go at its own pace. We must continue moving forward.

 

 

יום רביעי, 14 בפברואר 2018

[nashimbyarok-WIG] The Sovereignty Award אות יקיר ריבונות

 English follows Hebrew

 

תנועת הריבונות העניקה אותות 'יקיר הריבונות' בכנס ירושלים

 תמונות קרדיט ישראל ברדוגו

 

בנאומן בפני באי כנס ירושלים של עיתון בשבע חשפו ראשי תנועת הריבונות, יהודית קצובר ונדיה מטר, סרטון מקורי הסוקר בקצרה חמישה עשורי העימות בין ימין ושמאל בישראל מאז מלחמת ששת הימים והשיבה אל מרחבי יהודה שומרון והגולן. כמו כן העניקו קצובר ומטר במהלך האירוע שלושה אותות 'יקיר הריבונות' לשלושה אישים שהטביעו את חותמם על המאבק האידאולוגי והמעשי לקידום חזון הריבונות הישראלית ביהודה ושומרון.

 

הסרטון המשלב תיעוד היסטורי לצד אנימציה מציב את מחנה הימין מול מחנה השמאל ככלים על לוח שחמט, ובעוד מחנה הימין מבצע מהלכי התיישבות ומחאה קובע השמאל עובדות מדיניות בשטח שגולת הכותרת שלהם היא הסכמי אוסלו. המהפך התודעתי מגיע עם תנופת מהלך הריבונות וקריסת רעיון חלוקת הארץ והקמת מדינת טרור בליבה.

 

לצפיה בסרטון https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s9rWiqkaoOE&t=22s

 

קצובר ומטר ציינו בנאומן כי מהלך הריבונות חווה עליות ומורדות, אך בעת האחרונה הוא זוכה לתנופה אדירה, הסכמה רחבה בציבור הישראלי ובהנהגה והדברים מגיעים עד לשלבי החקיקה והקידום המעשי בידי שדולת ארץ ישראל, חברי כנסת ושרים. לזאת הוסיפו השתיים וציינו כי "כל המהפך הזה לא היה קורה בלי האנשים שבשטח. אם נחזור לרגע ללוח השחמט, הרץ והפרש, הצריח ואפילו המלכה לא היו עושים צעדים ללא הצעדים הראשונים של החיילים הפשוטים, כך זה בחוקי המשחק וכך זה גם בפועל. חברי כנסת, שרים ומנהיגים קוראים היום להחלת הריבונות בזכות הרוח הגבית שהעניק להם העם בכנסים, במאמרים, במשמרות מחאה ותמיכה, בשלטי ענק, בפלאיירים ובסטיקרים. לכל צעד קטן היה חלק במהפכה הזו, ואת הצעדים הללו אנחנו חייבים ויכולים להמשיך".

 

"בימים הקרובים", אמרו קצובר ומטר, "נמשיך הלאה במשימה שמוטלת לפתחו של כל אחד ואחת מאיתנו, אזרחים כנבחרי ציבור. עלינו האזרחים מוטלת המשימה להמשיך ולעודד את ההנהגה ולגבות אותה. היא עומדת בפני לחצים בינלאומיים לא פשוטים, ניצבים בפניה גם גורמי שמאל עיקשים ועתירי ממון וכסף זר, תקשורת שעדיין ברובה עויינת את הרעיון ומערכת משפט שזקוקה לתיקון לא פשוט. מול כל אלה אנחנו נמצאים עם הרבה אהבת ארץ ישראל בליבנו!".

 

בהמשך הדברים פרטו השתיים דרכי פעילויות אזרחיות בהן יכול כל תומך לקחת חלק בין בזירה הציבורית, בקיום כנסים וחוגי בית ובין בזירת הרשות החברתיות.

 

בתום דבריהם העניקו השתיים את אותות 'יקיר הריבונות' לשלושה – הרב בני אלון ז"ל (האות הוענק לרעייתו, הסופרת אמונה אלון), השר חיים כץ כיו"ר מרכז הליכוד ומנהלת שדולת ארץ ישראל בכנסת, חברת הכנסת לשעבר אורית סטרוק.

 

מדבריהן של יהודית קצובר ונדיה מטר על מקבלי האות:

 

הרב בני אלון זצ"ל - שר התיירות אשר היה בין הראשונים שקידם תוכנית סדורה להחלת הריבונות "היוזמה הישראלית" וכך כתב: "היוזמה הישראלית מניחה, שהדרך היעילה והנכונה ביותר לשמור על יציבות האזור הוא להבטיח ריבונות ישראלית בשטחי יהודה ושומרון, ולשים קץ לעמימות רבת השנים באשר למעמדם."

 

השר חיים כץ – "הוביל במסירות רבה את ההצבעה ההיסטורית במרכז הליכוד בו הצביעו פה אחד 1500 איש בעד החלת הריבונות על מרחבי ההתיישבות ביהודה ושומרון. לעזרתו נרתמו שבח שטרן, נתן אנגלסמן, וישי מרלינג.

השר כץ ידוע כאיש מעשי וכך הוא אמר לעיתון ריבונות 7: "כמו שראש הממשלה אמר שלא נרד לעולם מהגולן, ושהגולן הוא חלק בלתי נפרד מארץ ישראל, ככה הייתי רוצה לראות גם ביהודה ושומרון".

 

אורית סטרוק – "חברת הכנסת ה121, מנהלת שדולת ארץ ישראל בכנסת, שעושה זאת בהמון רגישות, בעבודה אינטנסיבית כשל אמנית רוקמת גובלן. עוד בהיותה חברת כנסת בקדנציה הקודמת ואנו מקווים שתהיה גם בקדנציה הבאה, פעלה להשוואת החקיקה בין מדינת ישראל לארץ ישראל וכך אמרה אז: "כמו שברמת גן מבקשים אישורי בנייה מהרשות המקומית, כך גם ביהודה ושומרון ובנימין יבקשו רשות מהרשות המקומית ולא מהצבא ולא מהאו"ם ולא מנשיא ארצות הברית".

 

בתנועת הריבונות מציינים בסיפוק כי נאומים רבים בכנס ירושלים, החל מנאומו של נשיא המדינה, עסקו בחזון הריבונות על היבטיו השונים ורואים בכך נדבך נוסף בהצלחתו של הקמפיין כולו.

 

ראשי התנועה, קצובר ומטר, מתייחסות בסיכום הדברים להתרחשויות האחרונות וקובעות כי "העובדה שראש הממשלה  נתניהו מתכחש לדברים שנאמרו בישיבת סיעת הליכוד, והעובדה שהממשל האמריקאי נזעק להגיב לשיח הריבונות בישראל מלמדות על הצורך בלחץ ציבורי נוסף כדי להוביל להכרעה מדינית המיישמת את חזון הריבונות".

 

סמנכ''ל מועצת יש''ע יגאל דילמוני: "העבודה החשובה של יהודית ונדיה במשך כל השנה היא חשובה מאין כמוה. בזכותן הריבונות נמצאת בימים אלה במרחק נגיעה, וביחד עם עוד שותפים טובים כמו ח''כ לשעבר אורית סטרוק החלום המשותף שלנו יתגשם".

 

תנועת הריבונות מייסודה של נשים בירוק www.ribonut.co.il

 

 

 

The Sovereignty Movement Awards the Sovereignty Prize at the Jerusalem conference

Photos Yisrael Bardugo

During their speech at the Jerusalem conference organized every year by the Besheva newspaper and that took place this week, the heads of the Sovereignty Movement, Yehudit Katsover and Nadia Matar, unveiled a short original film, which is a short survey of the five decades of conflict between the Right and the Left that have prevailed in Israel since the Six Day War and the return to the areas of Judea, Samaria and the Golan Heights.

During the event, Katsover and Matar also awarded three Sovereignty Prizes to three public figures who have left their mark on the ideological and practical struggle to promote the vision of Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria.

The film, which combines historical documentation with animation, presents the Right camp against the Left camp as chess pieces, and while the Right camp takes steps in settlement and protest demonstrations, the Left determines political facts on the ground, the crowning glory of which is the Oslo Accords. The revolution in consciousness is accompanied by the sovereignty process' increased momentum and the collapse of the idea of dividing the Land and establishing a terror state in its heart.

Link to the movie in Hebrew (the movie with English subtitles will be ready Sunday) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s9rWiqkaoOE&t=22s

In their speech, Katsover and Matar noted that there will be ups and downs during the process of applying sovereignty, but lately it has enjoyed a great deal of momentum, broad consensus among the Israeli public and among the leadership and matters are now being brought to the phase of practical legislation by the Land of Israel Lobby, MKs and ministers. The two noted that "this entire process would not have happened without the people in the field. If we return for a moment to the chess board, the bishop and the knight, the rook and even the queen, would not have made their moves without the first steps of the simple pawns. These are the rules of chess and this is how it is in reality. Today, MKs, ministers and leaders are calling for the application of sovereignty because of the tailwind provided by the people with conferences, the journal, articles, vigils, billboards, flyers and stickers. Each small step has had a part in this revolution; we can and we must continue to take these steps".

"Within days", said Katsover and Matar, "we will push forward in the task that is incumbent upon each and every one of us, simple citizens and elected representatives alike. We, the citizens, have the task of continuing to encourage and support the leadership, which must deal with complex international pressures and is confronted by tenacious Leftist elements that are loaded with foreign money, media that are still, for the most part, hostile to the idea and a justice system in need of serious repair. We are up against all of these things with a lot of love for the Land of Israel in our hearts!"

Later on the their speech, the two women explained the civil activities that everyone can do to take part, whether in the public arena, in holding meetings and parlor gatherings, or in the arena of social networks.

After their speech, they awarded the Sovereignty Prize to three people – Rav Benny Elon, z"l (received by his widow, authoress Amona Elon), Minister Haim Katz as chairman of the Likud Central Committee and director of the Land of Israel Lobby in Knesset, former MK Orit Struk.

From the words of Yehudit Katsover and Nadia Matar to the recipients of the prize:

Rav Benny Elon, zt"l – Minister of Tourism, who was among the first to promote a detailed plan for sovereignty, the "Israeli Initiative", in which he wrote: "The Israeli Initiative postulates that the most effective and correct way to maintain the stability of the region is to ensure Israeli sovereignty in the territories of Judea and Samaria, and put an end to long-standing ambiguity of their status. Only Israeli sovereignty from the Jordan River to the sea can prevent a Shi'ite infiltration into the heart of the western part of the Middle East, and ensure the existence of Israel as a Jewish state".

Minister Haim Katz – "With great dedication, Minister Haim Katz led the historic vote at Likud Central, where 1500 people voted unanimously in favor of the application of sovereignty over the areas of Jewish settlement in Judea and Samaria. Shevah Stern, Natan Englesman and Ishai Merling worked  also assisted in that effort. In the 7th edition of the Sovereignty Journal Minister Katz remarked: "Just as the prime minister said that we will never leave the Golan Heights, and that the Golan Heights is an integral part of the Land of Israel, this is how I wish to see Judea and Samaria.

Orit Struk – "director of the Land of Israel Lobby in the Knesset, often knicknamed the 121 st member of Knesset, who fulfills this role with great sensitivity, working intensively like an artist embroidering a tapestry. While she was an MK during the previous term (and we hope that she will also be and MK in the next term), she compared legislation in the State of Israel to legislation in the Land of Israel and this is what she said at that time: 'As in Ramat Gan, when they request permission to build from the local authority, the people in Judea and Samaria and Binyamin should be able to request permission to build from the local authority, and not from the military or the UN, or the president of the United States'".

The Sovereignty Movement notes with satisfaction that many speeches at the Jerusalem Conference, beginning with that of the president of the state, dealt with the vision of sovereignty in all of its various aspects and view this as another positive layer of the campaign in general.

In their summary of the event, the heads of the movement, Katsover and Matar, related to recent incidents, stating that "the fact that Prime Minister Netanyahu relates to the matter of sovereignty, and the fact that the American administration has been urged to respond to the discourse of sovereignty in Israel, indicate the necessity for additional public pressure in order to bring the implementation of the vision of sovereignty to political resolution."

Deputy Head of the YESHA (Judea, Samaria and Gaza) Council, Yigal Dilmoni: "Yehudit and Nadia's important work over the years has been extremely influential. Thanks to them, sovereignty is now within grasp, and together with other good people like former MK Orit Struk, our shared dream will be realized."

 

The Sovereignty Movement founded by Women in Green

www.ribonut.coil